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One of the various aspects of Icelandic syntax that is well-established in the literature is that it allows agreement with nominative DPs that are not in the canonical subject position. In this paper we present one of the least-studied cases in Icelandic where there may be agreement with a “low nominative:” namely agreement in specificational copular clauses. These cases are of particular interest because, in contrast to most other configurations, agreement with the low nominative appears to involve “skipping” agreement with a higher argument that is also nominative. Further, as we will show, agreement is possible not only for Num- ber but also for Person, providing another counterexample to the putative generalization that agreement for Person is always strictly local (Baker 2008).
|Title of host publication||NELS 46|
|Subtitle of host publication||Proceedings of the Forty-Sixth Annual Meeting of the North East Linguistic Society|
|Editors||Christopher Hammerly, Brandon Prickett|
|Place of Publication||Amherst, MA, USA|
|Number of pages||14|
|Publication status||Published - 18 Oct 2016|
|Event||NELS 46 - Concordia University, Montreal, Canada|
Duration: 16 Oct 2015 → 18 Oct 2015
|Period||16/10/15 → 18/10/15|
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