Abstract / Description of output
We present results from three acceptability judgement experiments
investigating the effect of discourse linking (d-linking) and animacy
on whether-islands and interactions with resumption in Greek and English.
Based on Anagnostopoulou’s referentiality hierarchy, we test the
acceptability of four types of wh-phrases, what, what X, which X, which
of X in a range of configurations (simple questions and questions involving
extractions out of (non-island) that-clauses and whether-islands).
We further test interactions between animacy and d-linking in English.
Our results show that d-linking improves whether-islands in both Greek
and English. However, d-linking does not alter the overall interactions:
whether-islands remain mostly less acceptable than that-clauses. While
acceptability increases overall as predicted by the referentiality hypothesis,
we obtain two unexpected contrasts: (i) a contrast between
which X and what phrases and (ii) an independent effect of animacy;
who is better than what, on a par with which X phrases. These contrasts
affect the acceptability of whether-islands but not that-clauses.
We propose that what sets what phrases apart, is the contrast
between kind-denoting (what) and ordinary individuals (which,who),
which can be triggered by d-linking or animacy. This denotational hypothesis
predicts that the distinction is only relevant for scopal islands
like whether-islands. The denotational contrast affects the processing
complexity of whether-islands. Kind-denoting wh-fillers have higher integration
costs (in the sense of Gibson’s complexity model). The denotation
of the filler interacts with its complexity (e.g. who vs. which X);
together, they may improve the acceptability of whether-islands; however,
they cannot cancel their overall complexity, as they cannot cancel the main scope island (i.e. the question intercepting the filler-gap dependency);
thus, manipulations of the filler cannot restore the acceptability
of whether-islands. Finally, a crucial overall conclusion is that
alleviation of integration costs of the filler (through d-liking/animacy)
has a stronger effect on improving whether-islands compared to cancellation
of locality costs (through resumption).
Original language | English |
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Title of host publication | Experimental Syntax and Island Effects |
Editors | Jon Sprouse, Norbert Hornstein |
Publisher | Cambridge University Press |
Pages | 310-340 |
Number of pages | 31 |
ISBN (Print) | 9781107008700 |
Publication status | Published - Oct 2013 |